It would
appear that Deputy President William Ruto has run out of prayers. After a
rigorous and protracted march to State House that began in 2012—some would
argue even as far back as 1992—Ruto’s run at the house on the hill may finally
have run out of steam. Either that or he has altogether surrendered to the forces
fighting to curtail his 2022 bid.
Speculation
about Ruto’s dwindling political star entered overdrive when, out of the blue, the
media reported a political union between himself on the one hand and Amani
National Congress (ANC) party leader Musalia Mudavadi and Bungoma Senator and beleaguered
Ford Kenya chairman Moses Wetang’ula on the other. Two separate meetings, one
convened by Ruto at his Karen home and another by the ANC supremo with some of
his trusted lieutenants, created a technical committee to spearhead the
fledgling alliance. The committee will feature MPs Sakwa Bunyasi (Nambale) and
Alfred Agoi (Sabatia) for ANC, Janet Nangabo (Trans Nzoia) and Ben Washiali
(representing Jubilee’s Tangatanga faction) and Chris Wamalwa (Kiminini) and
Ferdinand Wanyonyi (Kwanza) of Ford Kenya. The committee is mandated to work
out a blueprint for cooperation. The leaders will also appoint members of a
secretariat. Going by this alone, it is clear that Ruto regards Mudavadi as the
de facto leader of the Luhya community.
“The meeting
brought Jubilee, those from Western allied to the DP, ANC and Ford Kenya
together. We have agreed to join forces to address the challenges facing our
people. We have been treated badly and it is time this changed,” announced
Mumias East MP Ben Washiali after the meetings, fresh from being dropped as National
Assembly Majority Whip during President Uhuru Kenyatta’s unexpected purge of
Jubilee members loyal to the Deputy President. Being careful not to implicate Ruto
in the larger scheme, Washiali added that the committee will report to the “principals”
on the way forward before year’s end. The report, the MPs said, will be
accompanied by “far-reaching announcements” by the principals. Kimilili MP
Didmus Barasa, who also attended the meetings, holds that there will be no
looking back, “given the tribulations” the DP is facing in the ruling party.
Talk is rife
that should Ruto be convinced that the forces out to block him from ascending
to the presidency have their way, he might opt to front someone else for the
presidency in the hope that the Constitution will be reviewed (read referendum)
to create the position of Executive Prime Minister, a position into which he
will then seamlessly slide and give it another go via Parliament.
This view is
borne out by Makau Mutua. In a tweet that sent Twitter tongues a wagging, the
SUNY Distinguished Professor and political pundit wrote, “I am told that DP
@williamsRuto will likely drop out of the political contest and endorse
@MusaliaMudavadi for the top seat.” In refernce to Ruto’s vindictive nature and
the raw need to deal Raila Odinga a yet elusive knockout blow, he added: “The
idea is to lock out @RailaOdinga should he choose to run.”
Lately, Ruto
has made a tactical retreat from his erstwhile fired-up campaign to succeed
President Uhuru Kenyatta. Political observers surmise that he may have chosen
this approach due to the government’s heightened attention to his activities
and those of his allies. Never mind that he is ostensibly in that very same
government.
With Machiavellian
precision, an elaborate plan to bring down the DP is underway, painting the
firebrand politician into a corner. His key lieutenants are facing removal from
plum Parliamentary committees and his once-iron grip of the Jubilee Party is
greatly enfeebled. Those in the Senate—among them Kipchumba Murkomen, Susan
Kihika and Kithure Kindiki—have been expunged. Meanwhile, the Jubilee
disciplinary apparatus is expected to take a decision on the tenure of five
nominated senators allied to him. Uhuru has further gelded Ruto with an open
show of no commitment to support his deputy as he once did and loudly
proclaimed. Further, Ruto’s office budget has been cut by almost 40 per cent,
dealing a death blow to his legendary travel and hospitality spending.
In the
interim, Ruto’s rhetoric on Twitter has climbed down somewhat, with his tweets now
strictly limited to statecraft and condolences. He has also directed his stalwarts
not to publicly engage Uhuru, and many of them have since toned down. Ruto has
also terminated his public attacks on Raila, doubtless out of fear of losing even
more supporters and winning sympathy for the ODM leader.
In
retrospect, it was inevitable that Ruto change strategy. A Raila-Uhuru TagTeam
in the 2022 elections could deliver a veritable death knell to his ambitions.
As things stand, he is at a distinct disadvantage because the formidable forces
lined up against him have indicated a willingness to do everything it takes to
lock him out of the race. He also knows all too well that Raila is a daunting prospect,
and it will be a gargantuan task to take Raila on once he joins forces with the
president.
On his part,
Central Organisation of Trade Unions (COTU) Secretary-General Francis Atwoli—hot
on the heels of being coronated Luhya spokesman (alongside Kakamega Governor
Wycliffe Oparanya and Devolution Cabinet Secretary Eugene Wamalwa)—has dismissed
claims that Ruto has massive support in Western Kenya. "Luhyas will not
vote for Ruto. Of that I am sure. he said. “And I am also sure Ruto will not be
the president of Kenya. He should stop wasting his money." Previously, a
popular saying in Central Kenya was, “Raila will never be president.” That
leaves two men who will never be president countermining each other to be
president.
These are
the days of miracle and wonder.
Comments